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Topics: Chrono, Chrno, Crusade, Music, Manga, Anime, Chrono Crusade, Chrno Crusade. by nyinyihlamyint. Adobe Photoshop CS3 Extended Topic: nnhmmcs. Adobe Photoshop CS2 CS3 Rus Eng Topic: Adobe Photoshop. by Romielew Braz. Compatible only with devices that have the Sunplus chip-set. From what I could gather, this is the original disc containing emulated NES games and the corresponding emulator, that was bundled and meant to be used some portable DVD players.
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The common story of the five episodes of Valis X is based on the events depicted in various installments of the Valis series, describing the adventures of a Japanese teenage girl Yuko Asou and her friends in a parallel world named Vecanti, where she fights its evil tyrants with the legendary sword of Valis. However, the episodes do not follow the plots of the individual games; rather, they Topics: mugen senshi valis, valis x, telenet, eroge.
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by Sega. The Sega Genesis, known as the Mega Drive in regions outside of North America, is a bit home video game console developed and sold by Sega. The Genesis was Sega's third console and the successor to the Master System. Sega released the console as the Mega Drive in Japan in , followed by North America as the Genesis in In , the console was distributed as the Mega Drive by Virgin Mastertronic in Europe, Ozisoft in Australasia, and Tec Toy in Brazil.
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by Toei, Bandai, Banpresto, 8ing, Sega. Although the postwar civil code dismantled many patriarchal structures, the family system persisted behind the scenes in Japanese family life Sugimoto, ; White, Events considered to be a deviation from the family unit, such as divorce and children born out of wedlock, carry social stigma, especially for children.
Therefore, citizens tend to abstain from such deviations. All births are recorded on official documents even if the child is given up for adoption. Women therefore opt for abortion as there is a social stigma attached to having such a birth recorded on official papers.
The current marriage rate has been steadily declining whilst the marrying age has been steadily increasing and statistics suggest there is a relationship between the declining birthrate and marriage Statistics Handbook of Japan, Okano and Tsuchiya suggest that marriage is no longer compulsory for women and many career decisions are influenced by whether they want to get married or not.
In her research on corporate culture and singlehood, Yoshida suggests there are many factors why women remain unmarried such as resistance towards fulfilling conventional social roles or difficulty meeting partners due to gender segregation at work and long working hours. Yoshida , p. There have The family registration claims a status distinction for children born out of wedlock and are only entitled to half of the inheritance of children born within marriages.
The system penalises single mothers and their children Sugimoto, The family registration puts a restraint on divorce as a two separate registers need to be established and the children are to be recorded on one of the registers. These papers are public documents as they are required for employment and marriage.
Sugimoto suggest that the birthrate needs to be 2. been a variety of derogative terms for unmarried women: kurisuamasu keeki women who are left over after the age of 25 like Christmas cake after December 25th ; parasaito shinguru parasite singles, a term used for men and women who continue to live at home being supported by their parents ; and make-inu defeated dogs 39 Yoshida , p.
According to DePaulo b : ohitorisama are usually perceived to be urban, professional women who have the financial and physical wherewithal to consume — food, fashion, beauty services and leisure — as they please. They are committed to work and reluctant to sacrifice their hard-won careers. The literature above suggests that the acceptable social role for women is that of wife and mother.
Those women that deviate from these roles are often criticised and held responsible for social problems like the declining birthrate. Sakai explains that married women who were at the bottom of the hierarchy could consider themselves to be better off than those who were unmarried Hirakawa, Although many post-industrial countries share a similar pattern, the descent in the middle is more pronounced in Japan Okano, Although the graph reveals some minor changes between cohorts indicating that recently women are staying in employment for longer, the pattern more or less has remained the same across all cohorts.
This graph reports that women are less likely to be employed in regular work compared to men. Part-time work can consist of the same number of hours as full-time work without the fringe benefits such as health care and bonuses Fukuda, ; Hendry, Women who wished to re-enter the employment market had to seek employment in smaller companies or as part-time workers, and receive less pay and benefits although they may work full-time hours. Female employees protect the monetary security of career-tracked regular workers which are mostly male Broadbent, ; Nemoto, Part- time work has dominated the option for women returning to work after childrearing, as are several tax benefits for married women who earn under a certain amount Broadbent, ; Sugimoto, Repackaging discrimination The Equal Employment Opportunity Act EEOA in and the Child-care Leave Law in were introduced to improve working conditions for women, meet the increased demand for female labour and to reconcile the declining birthrate Sugimoto, Sugimoto points out those employers did not have 41 This divided women into classes, as full-time housewives were considered to be of a higher economic class than working housewives, whose paid labour was required to supplement the family income Ueno, Ueno suggests the percentage of women working is not necessarily higher for women with a high level of education, as hypergamy is common, where women marry male graduates of the same elite institution, and are therefore less likely needed to work and the full-time housewife is now recognised as a sign of affluence.
to adhere to the laws as there were no penalty clauses. The EEOA aimed to abolish sexual discrimination in employment, recruitment, hiring, promotion, training and retirement for women. The new act appeased the United Nations and the International Community Geraghty, ; Yamada, as it was no longer lawful to separate jobs into two categories based on gender Mackie, However, discrimination became hidden behind the two-tracked system Ueno, Ueno suggests that in response to EEOA, corporations introduced career tracked and non-career tracked positions which replaced gender discrimination with 'choice'.
Very few career tracked positions were filled by women and the women hired in this track graduated from elite universities Mackie, ; Ueno, Equal opportunity EO only applied to same level of education and the EEOA divided elite and non-elite women. EO aligns with education backgrounds which legitimises discrimination Sugimoto, As Ogasawara found in her ethnography of a Japanese bank, gendered spheres were most often divided by the two tracks Okano notes that during the early s, due to the labour shortage, women were often required to work overtime for little or no remuneration.
This is in contrast to men, as their overtime labour demonstrated commitment to the company and provided opportunities to develop relationships with seniors and bosses which could lead to promotion. Since the number of clerical jobs have increased for women; as many as one third of all women held clerical jobs in , which testifies the importance of OL in the Japanese labour market Ogasawara, , p.
As Ogasawara points out, the OLs are able to engage in such sabotage because they are excluded from this race, and hence have nothing to lose Hirakawa, has become the main barrier to achieving gender equality in employment Geraghty, New laws regarding gender equality in the workplace and equal opportunity in education came into practice in after the setting up of the Gender Equality Bureau in Even after further revisions to the EEOA in and despite the Gender Equality Bureau's efforts to increase the number of women in the public and private sectors, Japan is far behind other developed nations in gender equality and is currently ranked out of the countries on the Global Gender Gap Index [GGGI] World Economic Forum, see Appendix A.
However, the revisions did not include discrimination against part-time workers Yamada, This legitimizes the workplace exclusion of women who are seen as unwilling to work and incapable of working like most men.
The absence of women with power and authority who can disrupt traditional beliefs about masculinity appears to reinforce the persistence of gender stereotypes in Japanese firms. Lebra , p.
It measures the magnitude of gender-based disparities and tracks their progress over time. The report seeks to measure gender equality and the relative gaps between women and men across four key areas: health, education, economy and politics World Economic Forum, Here we see that the workplace itself is heavily gendered, and even female managers or women in the career-tracked system remain associated with gendered tasks and non-career tracked employees due to their sex.
Lebra found in her research that male same-aged peers were often promoted over women. This is because if a woman was promoted it would upset the gender hierarchy, and men are uncomfortable with interdependent relationships with female sempai and therefore women can be at a disadvantage because endowment does not cross sex boundaries Lebra, In his field research, Rohlen , p.
Women could form such a bond among themselves, but the career advantage to be derived from such a bond is decidedly limited, since most desirable positions are monopolised by male patrons.
With the rise of feminist consciousness in the workplace, anti-harassment policies for women have been implemented toward a gender equal society Sugimoto, There has also been an increased awareness of violence against women. On the GGGI for , , , , , , see GGGI for indexes over the years Japan has fallen from 94th place in , 98th in , st in , th in to th in These statistics suggest there are still many barriers and pressures in the workplace and society that make it difficult for women to pursue careers.
in policy decision making processes and leadership Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, Issues of child care and maternity leave There are several issues with child care facilities and maternity leave schemes that prevent women from maintaining stable full-time employment. Maternity leave benefits do not apply to the majority of women due to their part time and non-regular employment status.
Nor are there enough child care facilities for working mothers. Working conditions for women do not support women in dual roles of career and motherhood. Even as women are increasingly in the workforce this does not necessarily mean that gender relations within the workplace are improving for women.
In , the employment rate of women in Japan reached This pattern is a result of institutional structures and attitudes toward working mothers that make it difficult for women to achieve a work—family balance Koike, The government has promised to reduce child care waiting lists to zero within three years to assist women to manage child care and employment Carney, Even considering there are generous maternity leave concessions, women face maternal harassment and find it difficult to take the maternity leave they are legally entitled to Kittaka, This suggests it is very difficult for women to be employed in career-tracked employment without being willingly transferred, or conforming to, the masculine culture of overtime and late night drinking.
This is a common pattern that forces women to choose between career and family. According to Aronsson , career-minded women in Japan tend to remain unmarried.
As such the majority of women do not benefit from the maternity benefit scheme. Prime Minister Abe is planning to introduce a 3-year maternity leave law but many women fear this would result in a loss of skills and cause companies to avoid hiring women, as it would be a financial burden to the company Iida, Another pressing issue it that there are not enough child care facilities to support working mothers in Japan.
According to the Health, Labor and Welfare Ministry, 24, children across Japan were on waiting lists for authorised nurseries in Mie, However, another survey proves that actually 55, children in Japan are waiting to be placed in authorised child care centres Mie, Adachi suggests there is still a gender gap in wages, working hours and length of employment. The sport club and career nexus This section will explain the positioning of sport clubs within education and how this connects to employment.
I sat with Kiku and Kana today as we watched the regional competition together. Kiku and Kana are sempai and are not regular team members. I took this chance to ask them a few questions about the club. I also asked about the dormitory situation for female members and with little reflection Kana immediately explained that it is important for women to learn to cook, clean and manage home finances for when they are housewives and mothers.
Therefore, from second year university, female members live in their own apartments. Additionally, I thought it was strange she said this since very few female members I have spoken to have expressed that they want to get married and have children soon after graduation. Many female members I have spoken to have expressed that they want to enter into careers in the police or education. Field note What is illustrated in this field note is how institutional structures and the gender regimes of TSSU shape the behaviour of female members.
The sport club is educational encompassing a wide range of sports, music and other activities. The hierarchical relationship skills learnt in the club are transferable to employment, which can benefit male more so than female members since men are more likely to be engaged in long-term, regular employment. Within masculine organisational cultures the ability to perform relationship based etiquette can result in job security and promotion see Nemoto At TSSU women perform otsuki duties for teachers and guests but not for their sempai.
see chapter 2 for a historical overview of the club. According to Cave , p. The club space can provide opportunity for members to experience a form of cultural apprenticeship. In social spaces, such as the club, social role re-production is one of the outcomes of membership. Sports club membership also provides assessment of teamwork capabilities and connections to alumni networks Manzenreiter, a.
Umezaki as cited in van Ommen, has examined the recruitment of students into jobs by alumni of their institution, and shown through empirical evidence that membership in an OB network increases the chances of finding a job. Cultural capital that reflects Japanese values is highly sought by potential employers. In most cases the top companies will hire from the top universities Gannon, and within the top universities hierarchy is the most formalised and strictly adhered to.
The club can also be an environment where notions of gender are reinforced and reproduced Light, , ; Manzenreiter, a; McDonald, ; Vincenti, The club is therefore, more often than not, an environment that supports the development of men in preparation for the Japanese company Vincenti, According to van Ommen , p. Although in reality women are more than likely to continue working throughout most stages of their life cycle, according to research as highlighted above, the club prepares men for career paths more so than women.
It has pointed out how women are subjected to discrimination in the workforce under the guise of their expected social role trajectory. The following chapter describes the ethnomethodology, analysis of data and theoretical framework applied to this research.
Specifically, I explain how I collected and processed the data and finally applied the analytical framework, utilising the contributions of esteemed social theorists, Raewyn Connell and Pierre Bourdieu.
As I mentioned in chapter 1, I have a long history with kendo. One of the aims of this research was to understand my experience of training and competing with elite Japanese women. I therefore decided the best approach was to undertake an month ethnography in an elite Japanese university kendo club. Nihonjiron and ethical considerations What distresses me when I read some work by sociologists is that people whose profession it is to objectivize the social world prove so rarely able to objectivize themselves, and fail so often to realize that what their apparently scientific discourse talks about is not the object but their relation to the object.
To make sense of the field and conduct ethical research it was vital that I balanced my participant observer position was reflexive of my own personality and cultural trajectory in relation to the field. In one form or another, essentialism is unavoidable through our political engagement. However, the issue with essentialism is to what degree. Phillips , p. In the context of this research, many practices at TSSU were gendered and women were disadvantaged in terms of recognition and opportunity.
However, understanding these practices solely from a Western feminist perspective, and failing to recognise that TSSU women were not entirely disempowered in all situations could have resulted in an essentialist analysis.
However, as a result of gendered structures in Japanese society, women can also achieve satisfaction in relationships and leisure activities more so than their male counterparts, who themselves endure a form of oppression Iwao as cited in Okano, , pp. There were several potential ethical issues taken into consideration during the data collection and analysis periods of this research. Although there are approximately 11, male and 4, female university students participating in kendo AJKF, , at the top level which includes TSSU , university kendo is an insular well-connected world.
Pseudonyms and fictionalised amalgams were therefore created to protect the identities of participants. These identities and narratives were fictionalised and blended to minimise identification and to capture thematic knowledge. I do not use the same pseudonym for a single participant except for the instructors ; rather I combine verbal narratives and actions of more than one person to create a fictional character. It is important to know that each of the participants named in this study can not be identified as one person.
The use of fictionalised amalgams is an effective way to conceal small, identifiable cohorts. To further protect the participants, some personal experiences and opinions entrusted with me have not been included in this thesis. Kennedy suggests there is mistrust as to whether the Orient, can be truly represented by Western writers.
There are few ethnographies on Japanese martial arts undertaken in Japan, and they often lack self-critical awareness resulting in orientalist accounts of spiritual and aesthetic aspects Cox as cited in Chapman, It is not only non-Japanese scholars that have fallen victim to this. The nihonjiron discourse emerged in the post-war period as Japan underwent an identity crisis to restore confidence Metzger, Befu suggests that nihonjiron discourse was prevalent in the media as cited in Metzger, and in pop culture Dasgupta, In more recent times the paradigm of Japanese studies has shifted from nihonjiron discourse and there is an understanding that Japan is a diverse, multi-class and multi- cultural society Sugimoto, Although Benedict had never been to Japan and neglected several other aspects of Japanese culture, her book was widely welcomed in Japan and greatly influenced how the US viewed Japan Lie, Benedict disregarded diversity within Japanese society as she projected Japan as a primitive and homogenous society that emphasised hierarchy and loyalty Lie, ; Sugimoto, Nitobe depended on the samurai image to proclaim the greatness of Japanese traditional ethics Nishihara, Such texts are particularly problematic as Japanese authored publications on Japanese society are believed to be reliable resources more so than non-Japanese authored publications.
Given the dominance of Western scholarship, Lie suggests Japanese scholars are limited to make sense of their own culture outside of the intellectual frameworks that distinguish Japan from the US and the West in general.
Kosaku highlights that a large amount of recent nihonjiron literature was created and promulgated in the business world as cited in Metzger, Hence the development of Japanese hegemonic masculinity via the corporate warrior sarariiman — nihonjiron discourse. This popular discourse emerged in the s and s during periods of high economic growth and continues to influence perceptions of Japanese masculinity Dasgupta, Metzger , pp. Metzger explains how adherence to certain behaviours can prove to be detrimental to gender egalitarianism and is difficult to avoid, since many structures in Japanese society continue to support the re-production of hegemonic masculinity through the image of the sarariiman , p.
Initially my research engaged with Nakane and Doi to make sense of the field since their theories on Japanese society emphasised hierarchy, interdependency and homogeneity, which were recognisable constructs in kendo.
Nakane and Doi appeared to provide a framework to understand the practices of Japanese university kendo and connect them to societal practices. Unaware of the diversity within Japanese society, I tended to look at Japan through the nihonjiron lens as most of my interaction with Japan has been within the conservative middle-class world of kendo. These studies provided new ways of understanding Japanese society from a new perspective which influenced the way I analysed the data.
This is not surprising given the connection of bushido to kendo and that Japanese kendo projects and principles are a unique cultural activity that only Japanese people can understand. Compiling knowledge Acton, Miller, Fullerton and Maltby suggest that quantitative methods are effective at establishing the accurate social facts but do not establish the motivation or rationale of social actors.
To capture the field a qualitative framework was applied to this project via observational field notes, the interview process, a survey and reflexivity. The term seemed to cause confusion and concern about my research. The magazine is not widely circulated compared to Kendo Nippon and Kendo Jidai magazines. Selecting the field I begin now by positioning myself in relationship to the field. Prior to the commencement of the field research it was difficult to articulate the research question in one sentence.
However, I knew I wanted to understand why I felt inspired when training with elite Japanese kendo women and why kendo practices are gendered in Japan. To conduct my research, I needed to select a field. There were certain criteria that needed to be met to achieve my research aims.
The criticism he received reflects the sensitive nature of senior male proprietorship of kendo. the university kendo club as kendo mostly occurs within the confines of education and intersects with employment. There are several different types of university kendo clubs and club culture depends on the education format.
Club culture can range from being very strict to very relaxed social spaces. The members of these clubs often have long kendo trajectories which started from a young age and continue beyond university. The club also needed to have a substantial number of female and male members.
These criteria proposed an ideal field in which to understand the impact of the 4-year process of university kendo to female members, how they are positioned against men, and how kendo culture influences their dispositions.
Another important factor was that I needed to select a university I did not have a prior relationship with. Due to my long-term engagement with kendo I had developed a very good relationship with Nippon Taiiku Daigaku. This university has been a great source of inspiration for my kendo throughout my participation. In some ways it would have been easier to conduct my research at Nippon Taiiku Daigaku as I had already established a sense of belonging and position within the club.
Thereafter selection of the field was accidental. In some ways it selected me. The relationship with my future research field started in Due to an introduction from a kendo instructor a non-Japanese kendo practitioner with considerable symbolic capital , I occasionally trained at TSSU about once a month in the latter half of One night after kendo training I went to dinner with a TSSU club instructor, H sensei and his wife, 7th dan K sensei.
Over a 2-year period we developed a good relationship. When I started to look for a suitable research field she suggested TSSU and said that she and her husband the head kendo teacher of TSSU would support me. As Culter , p. I gained access to the club and participants through developing relationships with gatekeepers of TSSU. Since the university met all of the criteria and the gatekeepers seemingly found me, I selected TSSU to conduct my field research. My unique trajectory as a foreign kendo practitioner allowed access to the field that would not have been open to many other researchers or even Japanese kendo practitioner.
Yano noted in her field research on traditional song, found it difficult to gain access to research participants as a Japanese-American. Wacquant reflects in his ethnography set in a Chicago boxing gym in an African American neighbourhood that his social trajectory as a French Caucasian worked to his advantage, allowing access to the field which may not have been achievable if he were a Caucasian American male. To reiterate, I was granted access due to difference. TSSU has excellent sporting facilities and several national and international level athletes who are current students and alumni.
Currently there are approximately 2, students enrolled at TSSU majoring in sport and health subjects. Many of the clubs trained 1 to 2 times per day, 5 to 7 days per week depending on the national ranking of the club. The higher the ranking of the club nationally, the stricter and more demanding the club practices tended to be. There was very little to do in the university town of Kuriyama but drink, eat and sing karaoke.
Kuriyama town provided a safe environment for the university students to experiment with drinking and social bonding in the cheap izakaya pubs and the one karaoke venue. The dojo floor is sprung and constructed from soft cedar wood. It is the best floor I have ever trained on. The following field note recalls my first impression of the dojo and experience of training at TSSU in Training had already started, I could hear bamboo swords and bodies clashing, shouting and powerful foot stomping well before I reached the dojo door.
I felt that familiar nervous anticipation. I always get that sick feeling at my first training at a new dojo in Japan. However, upon entering I soon forgot about everything as I felt the sparkling, uplifting energy from the members.
It was electric. As I bowed and entered the dojo, a female member rushed towards me and grabbed all my gear and insisted on unpacking it for me. The dojo had a traditional feel. I felt many had trained here and not much had changed for decades. There appeared to be so much kendo history embedded in the floor and the walls of the dojo. At the far end of the dojo, near the altar, were the names of graduated students on the wall. There were dents in the walls, probably caused by hard bodies and rows of solid wooden swords hanging on stands.
The floor felt soft, maybe a bit slippery compared to what I am used to, but it is a good kendo floor. There was that familiar smell of damp, sweaty kendo clothes armour. Outside the window I could see rows of kendo clothing blowing around and drying. I felt excited by the energy but that uneasy feeling of anxiety as I was comparatively an unskilled foreign practitioner in an elite, well-established club.
Field note As the field note above illustrates, my first experience of TSSU dojo touched the full range of physical senses and emotions.
There was something very special about the acoustics that vibrated within the walls of the TSSU dojo that I have yet to experience anywhere else.
Their giving of self through full body and spiritual commitment was exhilarating. The women and men trained on opposite sides of the dojo and were not permitted to train with one another. However, the women were allowed to train with teachers and male postgraduate students. There were approximately 20 female members and 60 male members.
The main kendo club teachers included two men: H sensei and T sensei and a female kantoku coach , M kantoku. Most often there were two male instructors were present at every training session. The female club coach attended Saturday trainings and competitions. There were other teachers connected to TSSU who occasionally attended training and competitions.
These teachers were alumni members of TSSU or alumni of the elite university that the club teachers had graduated from. Many of TSSU members gained entry into TSSU via the recommendation system.
Many kendo students utilise competition success to enter into good universities. Good universities often provide links to reputable company employment. Ishida et al. Those who come from highly ranked institutions are likely to be promoted within the company regardless of their job performance. The majority of participants aspired to become teachers once they graduated from university. Other vocational choices were within the police or company employment.
Most expected to attain employment through the support of a TSSU kendo club coach or a member of the alumni network. Other participants were encouraged by parents and teachers or started kendo for health reasons. These statistics indicate a high participation in kendo from a young age.
Most members had a past kendo teacher who was an OB or OG graduate of TSSU. This connection was fundamental in the selection process of TSSU. TSSU members had been exposed to TSSU kendo culture and philosophy well before they entered TSSU as a university kendo club member. Seeing the field Over an month period from March to September I attended every possible TSSU club activity.
I attended daily practice up to 9 times per week. Depending on the season, we had 6 to 7 afternoon practices usually starting at pm and finishing at pm during the week. The 3 morning practices would start at am and finish at am. In addition to training there were competitions held every one to two months and they would take up an entire Sunday, where we would leave campus at am, returning between pm at night.
I also attended the club's training camps in spring, summer and winter. The duration of these camps were between 5 to 15 days depending on the season. The main method of data collection was the writing of daily descriptive field notes. My observations focused on the physical and social interactive practices within the dojo and other spaces.
The longer I spent in the field the more detail and attention I could pay to the minute actions of individuals. The writing of daily reflexive field notes took between 1 to 3 hours, written after training, competitions, incidental conversations, club social events, and recreation time spent with the members.
The writing of the field notes became an involuntary routine. I felt a strong compulsion to record my daily experiences, no matter where I was or how I was feeling. I would write field notes on the train; even in peak hour I would write notes standing. Sometimes I wrote into the early morning if there had been a drinking party. I would faithfully write after training no matter how exhausted I was. Needless to say, over the month period I had written almost 1, pages of field notes. Hearing the field The voices of participants were recorded in two ways: ethnographic and semi-structured interviews.
The opportunities for ethnographic interviews arose in and around daily training and sometimes spontaneously after training whilst sharing a meal or travelling with participants.
These conversations were recorded as part of the field note taking process. I started the semi-structured interview process 9 months into the research. It took time to develop a rapport with the members and work out what I wanted to ask during the interview process. I conducted semi-structured interviews with the female members, TSSU teachers, coaches and OB and OG alumni.
This method is flexible and allows for change in order for expansion of the questions depending on the subjective responses and flow of the interview Gray, ; Robson, The questions were open ended allowing for the participant to control the direction and flow of the interview. The first round of interviews was conducted during winter training camp which was ideal timing, as I had developed a good rapport with the members due to my full participation in the camp. I interviewed the 4th year sempai who were about to graduate.
At this time the sempai were relaxed and very open to talking about their kendo experiences. I approached potential participants and asked if they would like to be interviewed. If they agreed I gave them a consent form to be signed, which explained the content of the interview and assured confidentiality see Appendix C.
Not all participants returned the consent forms. I organised an interview time only with those who returned the signed consent forms. The interviews took place in a small classroom at the university. Interviews were conducted in Japanese and recorded on a small digital device. During the semi-structured interview, I was very sensitive to whether participants felt comfortable or otherwise.
If I felt any sense of discomfort I would lighten the conversation or change the subject. I was surprised at the willingness to talk openly and I believe they enjoyed talking about their personal experiences. Their comments and insights were critical and reflexive as they shared their thoughts and meaningful experiences. After I returned to Australia the interviews were transcribed by a Japanese colleague and translated with her assistance.
The ethnographic and semi-structured interview process inspired reflexivity during the collection period, which allowed me to go deeper into the field. Readjusting Due to how deeply I had merged into their world and their world became mine, readapting to living in Australia again was an extremely difficult transition period.
After I returned to Australia it took almost a year to readjust to the culture. I felt a giant void and a sense of confusion. The parts of my personality that I had developed and was able to mobilise in Japan were impractical in Australia. I deeply missed the relationships I had developed with the club members and the connectivity to others I felt during kendo training at TSSU. I seriously considered giving up kendo in Australia. It became very clear to me that human relationships are central to Japanese kendo and I had become a part of the club.
This break in time allowed emotional detachment which enabled me to analyse the data intellectually as an observer. Thematic analysis During the collection period, several TSSU practices were emerging as patterns that were replicated in and out of the dojo. It therefore made sense to apply a thematic analysis as themes were clearly surfacing from my observational field work. More complex and inter-connected themes emerged, once I had detached from the field and further analysed the data after I returned to Australia.
Thereafter I fully immersed myself and coded the data by hand through the process of thematic analysis. Although some themes were pre-determined as the research question was underpinned by gender, thematic analysis was selected with the anticipation that organic themes would emerge.
According to Ezzy as a sense making approach, thematic analysis is a tactic for reducing and managing large volumes of data without losing the context, for getting close to or immersing oneself in the data, for organising and summarising, and for focusing the interpretation. At first I highlighted points of interest as I was writing the data.
During the interview process it was evident which aspects of kendo were significant for women. In the interviews women spoke with more enthusiasm and detail about their early childhood experiences of kendo and the self-development and friendships they had developed at university. It was not his type of writing, publishing company which produces books driving, reaction.
University of ; and of other books and numerous articles. Chair of Member, American Bar Association Commission on Law and the Elderly;. Director The following year Santa Clara College received a charter of writing course or simply to browse in a legal field of interest.
To provide some unifying elements to the project, we presented the authors of the The World Bank's estimates of real national income per capita for to Industry excluding petro- leum has not been a driving force in Egyptian Year- book; IMF, International Financial Statistics; World Bank and IMF data. The yearbook is a funny thing; even those members of grade 12 who had never "Can we sit in your car Sonia? A handsome and popular writer who cooks. Many thanks, of course, also go to the Mothers' Guild who maintain both the some three hundred years.
And ed. Michael Smithies, Handbook of Oriental Studies, section 3: lodge-assistant, an apprentice for three weeks, as well as two to four car- c. Association with the other geophysical and geological features of the region. And two people drowned when their car was swept away in floodwaters near Pauatahanui. New Zealand's contributions for the year 82 are shown in the Dr. Carmen Tafolla Summary Bio:Author of more than twenty books and inducted book writing, two Tomas Rivera Book Awards, two International Latino Book Texas.
Graduate School Fellowship, Indiana University, I, Mona Mass Communication Review Yearbook, Vol. WHITNEY, ELLEN.
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